Tuesday, April 22, 2008
Monday, April 7, 2008
Thursday, January 31, 2008
PENGALAMAN MENERIMA SURAT
PENGALAMAN MENERIMA
Menulis, mengirim dan menerima surat sebenarnya hal yang biasa saja. Namun kali ini saya akan menceritakan bagaimana kegiatan surat dan pos berlangsung di rumah baru kami di Pennsylvania.
Kami tinggal di perumahan semacam townhouse atau apartment kecil yang berderet-deret, mungkin kalau di Indonesia rumah petak. Beberapa hari setelah mendiami rumah kami harus menuju ke kantor Pos untuk melaporkan bahwa kami tinggal di alamat tersebut dan kalau ada surat agar diketahui tukang pos. Selanjutnya kami diberi sebuah kunci untuk pos di kotak
Untuk pengiriman surat, bagi kami tak ada masalah. Tinggal memasukkan di mana ada kotak surat yang kita temui. Namun biasanya kami memasukkan di kantor pos atau di sebelah perpustakaan kantor kami. Perbedaan yang kami temui adalah kalau terima surat. Surat yang biasa, artinya hanya amplop kecil regular, akan kami temukan di kotak surat kami, setelah membuka kotak dengan kunci yang telah diberikan. Untuk kiriman yang agak besar, biasanya diletakkan dalam kotak surat yang besar, di urutan paling bawah dari kelompok kotak surat di kompleks kami. Untuk mengetahu atau memberitahu bahwa kami ada kiriman agak besar, maka tukang pos akan menaruh kunci untuk membuka kotak yang agak besar . Kunci itu ditaruh dalam kotak pos kami. Jadi, kiriman paket atau buku-buku misalnya akan di tempatkan dalam kotak paling dasar tadi.
Nah, untuk kiriman paket yang besarnya melebihi ukuran kotak surat, maka kami akan menemukan secarik surat yang memberitahukan bahwa ada kiriman paket dan harus diambil di kantor pos. Jadi, tak ada surat yang dikirim langsung ke rumah. Agak ribet? Ya lain ladang lain belalang, lain restoran lain makannya……
GPS baru….?
GPS baru….?
Kalau di Jakarta kita tersesat masih bisa tanya pada orang lain yang kita temui, baik itu tukang ojek atau penjual Koran di perempatan. Nah kalau kita tersesat di Amerika kita tanya siapa? GPS…..
Di Jakarta pemasangan GPS masih barang baru dan langka,. Kota –kota lain di Indonesia bahkan belum mendapat kesempatan karena memang tak banyak investor yang mau memnanamkan uangnya di bisnis ini. Kenapa,…..? jawabannya jelas……masyarakat kita masih mau tolong menolong membantu orang yang tersesat di jalan. Jadi, kalau ada yang berinvestasi di bidang ini, tentu fokusnya kota besar karena memang pasarnya di sana.
Berbeda di AS, saat di AS hampir semua mobil pakai GPS, bahkan kini ada perkembangan terbaru dari GPS yang kita kenal selama ini. Memang GPS yang kita kenal selama ini terkadang mengharuskan kita menengok dan terganggu dengan suara instruksi penunjuk arah. Sebagai gantinya, GPS baru ini menuntun kita dengan gambar maya di kaca mobil kita yang merupakan serangkaian cermin yang dipasang di dashboard mobil digabung dengan teknologi laser.
Jadi, setelah kita memasukkan alamat tujuan, di kaca mobil akan tampak jalur yang harus ditempuh menuju sasaran. Persoalannya kalau diaplikasikan di Indonesia gimana ya….soalnya khan macet terus di jalan, bukankah pandangan ke depan juga menjadi sangat terbatas…?ada yang mau invest teknologi ini di Indonesia?
Mengunjungi West Point
Mengunjungi
Bagi perwira lulusan Akademi Militer di seluruh dunia, salah satu cita-cita yang ingin dicapai adalah mendapat kesempatan mengunjungi West Point, sebutan tak resmi dari United States Military Academy. West Point terletak di
Membandingkan kehidupan di
Fasilitas di USMA sangat lengkap, yang ingin saya sorot di sini adalah Gereja Katholik dan “masjid/sinagog/kelenteng bersama”. Gereja Katholik ada secara resmi di sebuah institusi militer adalah hal yang sangat jarang karena mayoritas penduduk AS adalah pemeluk Protestan dan secara tak langsung ada perseteruan untuk meraih puncak kepemimpinan di AS. Sebagai ilustrasi sepanjang sejarah AS, hanya ada satu presiden yang beragama Katholik, dan itupun mati ditembak, Kennedy. Nah, keberadaan gereja megah di
Sedangkan yang disebut “masjid/sinagog/kelenteng bersama”. adalah sebuah bangunan kecil yang digunakan oleh pemeluk agama minoritas melakukan kegiatan agamanya. Dilaksanakan secara berjadwal, bergantian tergantung bookingnya. Ada alquran, ada perlengkapan ibadah agama lain juga yang memang memanfaatkan fasilitas ini. Jadi kalau mau sholat di West Point, karena tak ada masjid resmio, gunakan saja salah satu ruangan yang ada di Interfaith Building.
Sedangkan tentang Taruna West point, mereka memakai seragam seperti anak SMA di Indonesia, dengan putih di atas dan bawah abu-abu. Saat ini ada sekitar 60 negara ikut berpartisipasi mengirim taruna di West Point.
Pada kunjungan ke West Point, beruntung kami mendapat kesemptan makan malam bersama para taruna West Point asal AS diikuti juga berbagai perwakilan negara yang ikut mengirim tarunanya sehingga bisa mendapatkan kesan mereka setelah mengikuti pendidikan di West Point ini. Makan malam sangat sederhana, karena memang dibuat menu seperti yang biasa mereka makan pada hari itu, namun demikian dibandingkan menu di Indonesia jelas menu makan mereka sangat mewah.
Kunjungan ke West Point menjadi salah satu kenangan menarik, apalagi menginap di hotel Thayer yang terletak tepat di depan pintu gerbang West Point dan merupakan hotel tua yang mewah. Salah satu yang mengurangi keindahan adalah ketatnya penjagaan dengan pemasangan barikade di depan gerbang lengkap dengan beton dan penjaganya. Secara keseluruhan kunjungan ke West Point direkomendasikan untuk anda yang ke
Mengunjungi Smithsonian Institution: National Air and Space Museum
Mengunjungi Smithsonian Institution: National Air and
Smithsonian Institution: National Air and
Salah satu keunggulan pertama yang kita temui di museum ini, kita tak dipungut biaya
Tentu saja sebagaimana sasaran tujuan wisata lainnya, disinipun tersedia berbagai macam souvenir tentang museum yang menarik. Jelas harganya mahal kalau di kurs dengan rupiah kita. Salah satu cara menyiasatinya adalah dengan memotret bermacam souvenir yang tersedia tanpa perlu membelinya. Di sini juga ada IMAX theater yang memutar film berkaitan dengan penerbangan. Adrenalin Rush adalah judul film yang kami tonton pada saat kami mengunjungi museum ini. Dengan tiket seharga 8,5 dollar, kita bisa menonton pertunjukan selama sekitar 30 menit, dan terhanyut ketegangan mengikuti jalannya kamera. Meskipun ceritanya bagus, tapi sebenarnya yang paling dinikmati adalah pengalaman berada pada ketinggian seolah menjadi pelaku di film tersebut.
Kalau kita merasa haus atau perlu mengisi perut setelah lelah menjelajahi fasilitas yang ada, termasuk simulator, kita bisa beristirahat di food court atau di bangku-bangku yang tersedia. Di dalam museum juga tersedia cukup toilet kalau kita mau buang hajat. Biasanya yang tak tersedia adalah waktu, kita harus pintar-pintar bagi waktu jika tak ingin sasaran tujuan wisata lain terlewati. Begitu banyak yang dilihat, begitu menarik yang dipertontonkan, namun juga begitu sempit waktu bagi kita.
Mencari Arti Jalan di Amerika
Mencari Arti Jalan di Amerika
Bagi kita di Indonesia, hampir tak ada orang mempermasalahkan atau menanyakan arti nama jalan. Maksudnya gimana sich… Begini kira-kira, karena memang pengetahuan ini bukan didapat dari pelajaran tapi sekedar pengamatan saja. Di Amerika Serikat, kelihatannya ada suatu pengertian tentang arti jalan yang sudah terpateri dan diterapkan.
Kalau kita ingin menunjukkan suatu jalan besar di kota besar, katakanlah jalan utama yang tiap orang kenal, maka jalan ini biasanya diberi nama Avenue.
Kalau sebuah jalan di kompleks perumahan, biasanya, namanya diakhiri dengan Drive, yang bisa digunakan melintas atau Court yang maksudnya buntu karena sampai di ujung kita akan melingkar lagi. Meskipun ada juga perumahan yang memasang nama street, avenue atau boulevard. Suka-suka mereka saja, karena di Indonesiapun ada juga orang menggunakan nama jalan di perumahan dengan Boulevard.
Nah, kalau jalan antar kota,biasanya namanya High Way. High Way, sesungguhnya terbagi dua, yaitu yang melintang arah barat ke timur atau timur ke barat, selalu dengan angka genap, contohnya High Way 76, yang menghubungkan antara Philadelphia dan Pittsburg. Kalau High Way yang menghubung antara utara dan selatan atau sebaliknya, diberi angka ganjil, misalnya High Way 95, yang menghubungkan antara Miami dan New York di pantai timur. Jadi, kalau kita ke sasar dan tidak membawa GPS, lihat saja, arah nama jalan. Kalau namanya 76 East, berarti kita menuju timur, kalau 76 West berarti kita menuju barat. Sedangkan kalau 95 South, artinya kita bisa kesasar sampai Disneyland, Orlando, kalau 95 North kita ikuti terus, alamat kita sampai di perbatasan Kanada.
Kalau jalan Tol apa ada? Ya ada…biasanya di High Way disebutkan, partially Toll road, misalnya jalan ke New York dari Pittsburg, sebelum masuk New York kita harus bayar. Tapi murah, jangan kawatir. Tidak mencekik leher, paling mahal sekitar 6 dollar. Baik buruknya jalan, atau mahal murahnya jalan tol, menunjukkan juga tingkat kekayaan atau kemakmuran negara bagian tersebut. Semakin mahal bayar tol nya, berarti semakin miskin negara bagian tersebut.
Terakhir, ada jalan yang ditunjukkan dengan nama
Memandang Pak Harto dari Luar
Memandang Pak Harto dari Luar
Berita meninggalnya Pak Harto betul-betul menjadi headline, bukan hanya di
Yang menarik adalah dari perbincangan serius dengan rekan-rekan yang mendalami hubungan internasional, strategis maupun sejarah. Pernyataan yang mereka keluarkan bisa berbeda. Secara strategis, diakui pak Harto sangat peka membaca tanda-tanda zaman, paling tidak mulai ‘65 hingga berakhirnya perang dingin. Setelah perang dingin selesai, dan agenda dunia berubah, Pak Harto karena terlena oleh keberhasilan pembangunan
Ada suatu keyakinan yang sangat mendalam di dalam diri para pemimpin barat, bahwa hanya demorasi yang bisa menyelamatkan dunia dari kekacauan (demokrasi liberal ), selain itu hanya pasar bebas yang bisa mengatur ekonomi dunia, bukan sosial atau pasar dengan campur tangan negara. Ini semua bersumber dari thesis Francis Fukuyama dalam bukunya yang monumental, the end of history, dan menjadi Bible baru bagi para penguasa. Banyak yang tidak setuju dengan pandangan itu, namun apa daya, semua harus menyesuaikan dengan irama dunia. Salah satu yang konsisten menentang pandangan itu adalah Hernando
Pak Harto yang memandang dunia dengan kacamata perang dingin sudah tak sesuai untuk memimpin. Maka mulailah berbagai gelombang gejolak muncul di
Jadi, sangat penting untuk diingat bahwa setiap pemimpin ada jamannya dan setiap jaman ada pemimpinnya. Selamat jalan Pak Harto.
KIPRAH MULIA PUTRA BANGSA DI FORUM INTERNASIONAL
Sesuai dengan pembukaan UUD 45, maka
Selanjutnya, penugasan itu masih terbagi dua, yaitu sebagai Pasukan atau sebagai military observer/pengamat militer. Di Kongo misalnya kita mengirim Kompi Zeni dan military observer. Sedangkan di Liberia atau Sierra Leon kita hanya mengirim observer. Namun pada prinsipnya seluruh keterlibatan Indonesia di forum pasukan perdamaian PBB hanya melaksanakan UN Chapter 7 atau pasukan pemelihara perdamaian (peacekeeping operation), kita tidak mengirimkan pasukan untuk pembentuk perdamaian (peace making operation) sesuai UN chapter 6. Secara akademis ada perbedaan antara pasal 6 dan pasal 7. Pasal 6, menyatakan meskipun pihak bertikai tak menghendaki kehadiran PBB, pasukan bisa saja hadir, namun pasal 7 menyatakan, kehadiran pasukan PBB hanya setelah pihak-pihak yang bertikai menyatakan menyetujui gencatan senjata.
Banyak yang sudah mendengar tentang sukses pasukan Indonesia dalam menjalankan misi sebagai anggota pasukan PBB, namun banyak sisi menarik tentang penugasan pasukan PBB yang belum diketahui masyarakat. Misalnya saja Indonesia mengirim wanita untuk menjadi military observer di Kongo, yaitu atas nama Mayor Nita dari TNI AD dan Mayor Ratih dari TNI AU.
Selain itu, masih terdapat juga warga negara kita yang memang murni orang sipil yang bergerak di bawah bendera PBB, lebih tepat lagi di bawah UNDPKO (United Nation Department of Peace Keeping Operation). Untuk menyebut di antaranya Mas Luigi Pralangga di Liberia (mas Luigi ini salah satu yang menyatukan para peacekeepers
Mereka berjuang bukan hanya membawa nama
Keindahan Bromo
Keindahan Bromo
Udara masih sangat pagi ketika aku mulai bergerak menuju ke Gunung Bromo.
Semalam tidur di Sukapura, sebuah
Mendaki gunung merupakan salah satu impian sejak SMA, namun karena berbagai keterbatasan, aku tak pernah berhasil mewujudkan keinginan mendaki Bromo. Jarak terjauh yang pernah didatangi di sekitar lokasi ini hanya di Semeru, itupun gagal karena badai pasir yang melanda diiringi hujan saat itu di tahun 1978, memaksa kami kembali. Banyak penyesalan menggumpal, karena saat itu berjalan kaki dari Gubug Klakah, menuju Ranu Pane sungguh perjuangan berat. Beberapa orang yang kaya bisa naik Jeep atau menyewa truk, tapi bagi kami pelajar SMA yang ke Malang saja naik KA tanpa bayar kecuali kucing-kucingan dengan petugas, menyewa Jeep atau truk jelas tak ada dalam agenda kami. Perjalanan lanjutan sudah ke Ranu Gumbolo,…wah, pasir sudah mulai tampak di mana-mana dan hujan benar benar tak bersahabat. Ingat adik Arief Budiman, Yap Hong Gie atau siapa lupa, yang meninggal dalam pendakian ini, akhirnya kami putuskan untuk kembali
Gunung-gunung di Jawa Tengah sudah cukup familiar bagiku, dan beberapa sudah pernah didaki. Nah sekarang di Bromo, katanya sih bisa naik mobil sampai puncak. Sesuai deh dengan umur yang sudah bukan ABG lagi, cocok untukku. Perjalanan mendaki dan mulai meliuk-liuk. Mobil 4WD yang kami tumpangi masih terus melaju hingga melewati kampung tertinggi. Saat itu, samar-samar dalam kabut pagi, Bromo telah terlihat diantara hamparan pasir menyeruak puncak gunung terkenal tersebut. Di ujung batas langit, di kaki gunung, sangat samar terlihat Pura seperti yang biasa kita saksikan di Bali.
Mengingat mobil ini pinjaman teman, maka aku putuskan meninggalkan saja di ujung jalan aspal, dan mulailah berjalan menuju ke puncak Bromo. Sebenarnya dari ujung jalan ada yang menawari naik jeep juga, namun aku putuskan jalan kaki menikmati udara pagi yang hmmm, dramatis….Ternyata, pandangan bukanlah jarak, karena keringat mulai menetes di baju dan membakar lemak tubuh. Teringat masa lalu sewaktu SMA, I am not as strong as I used to be. Begitu mendekati kaki gunung, napas sudah tinggal satu-satu. Untungnya ada penjual the botol dan sejenisnya…luar biasa, kapan mereka datang..?alkisah, minumlah sebotol penuh dan tarik napas, serta bismillah, naik lagi menuju ke puncak…
Pertama, jalan berpasir mendatar, lalu jalan itu habis disambung dengan jalan setapak naik. Jalan naik ke puncak gunung kali ini sungguh unik. Di sepanjang jalan, ada pegangan dari beton dan besi untuk membantu kita karena naiknya benar-benar terjal dan membahayakan. Setapak demi setapak mencoba menyusuri tangga beton sambil sesekali berhenti mengatur napas, akhirnya kami sampai di Puncak Bromo. Hmmmm suatu pemandangan yang sangat mengasyikkan, suatu kebesaran Tuhan yang hampir terlupakan. Sejauh mata memandang tampak dataran yang lebih rendah, gunung-gunung lain atau perbukitan, sementara di sisi yang lain, kawah menganga siap menelan siapa saja yang tak waspada.
Kesan akhir setelah turun dari puncak hanya satu, kenapa kita tak bisa mengolah ini menjadi suatu tujuan wisata yang handal? Suasana di sepanjang jalan dari jalan raya Pasuruan- Probolinggo menuju Bromo sangat mendukung, Sukapura bahkan banyak menginspirasi Leo Kristi dalam mencipta lagu. Barangkali kemudahan transportasi, akomodasi dan tontonan yang dipertunjukkan masyarakat bila diatur dengan baik bisa merupakan asset utama Jatim menyaingi Bali.
Bolehkah Militer Berbisnis?
Bolehkah Militer Berbisnis?
Boleh tidaknya militer berbisnis menjadi perbincangan yang nyaris menjadi menu wajib bagi setiap pengamat politik atau orang yang tertarik mengamati militer di
Apa yang terjadi di negeri kita mungkin memang sesuai dengan situasi yang berkembang di
Kelebihan layanan di toserba militer ini adalah semua barang pembelian tidak dikenakan pajak. Lumayan, sekitar 6% pajak diberlakukan untuk setiap transaksi bisa dihemat, namun ini hanya berlaku untuk militer, keluarga militer atau purnawirawan. Lokasinya pun selalu startegis, mudah dijangkau karena selalu dalam kompleks militer. Hebatnya, semua pelayan, dari yang mengatur barang hingga kasir dan manajer adalah orang sipil. Kalau kita kurang puas dengan barang yang tersedia, kita juga bisa beli lewat katalog yang tersedia dan bayar di kasir, barang akan diantar ke rumah. Namun kalau malas berjalan menuju ke PX, ada pilihan lain tersedia yaitu beli lewat internet, tentu saja bayarnya pakai kartu kredit.
Semua transaksi, baik langsung k PX maupun lewat internet selalu didahului dengan menunjukkan Kartu Identitas. Kalau kartu identitas resmi yang dikeluarkan oleh militer AS tak dipunyai, tentu saja tak bisa berbelanja. Beruntung militer AS mengeluarkan kartu identitas bagi semua tamu (fellows) atau siswa yang mendapat kesempatan belajar di sana,. Tentu saja banyak pro dan kontra keberadaan bisnis ini di AS, tapi perlu diingat bahwa tulisan ini tidak bermaksud membuka perdebatan boleh tidaknya militer berbisnis, ini sekedar berbagi pengalaman siapa tahu ada manfaatnya bagi kita.
Indonesia Bangsa Santai
Sebuah buku yang menjadi pegangan para eksekutif di seluruh dunia menjadi topik pembicaraan kami minggu ini. Buku ini memang luar biasa, dalam arti memberikan gambaran yang cukup terhadap suatu karakter bangsa di dunia. Tentu saja karakter bangsa
Richard Lewis dulunya adalah seorang guru bahasa Inggris yang mengajar orang asing yang datang ke Inggris. Awal cerita dia mulai tertarik mengamati tentang budaya antar bangsa saat dia mengajar di
Namun apa yang terjadi, segera saja dia dikerubuti oleh orang-orang Itali yang mempermasalahkan pembatalan tersebut. Mereka menuntut mengapa perjalanan itu dibatalkan- mereka sangat mengharapkan kegiatan itu karena bisa membolos pelajaran, sudah membayar biaya pendakian, sedikit hujan tidak jadi masalah dan ada apa dengan orang Finlandia itu, bukankah mereka seharusnya orang-orang yang tegar dan kuat? Dengan sedikit agak malu dia mendekati rombongan Jepang dan menanyakan pendapat mereka. Kelompok Jepang sangat baik tanggapannya, kalau Itali mau pergi, mereka oke, kalau mau tinggal, mereka juga senang dengan pelajaran di kelas. Para Italian mengejek Finlandia , sebaliknya Finlandia jadi cemberut dan marah, meskipun akhirnya setuju untuk berangkat demi menyelamatkan muka.
Keesokan harinya Bus dijadwalkan berangkat jam 8.30. Jam sudah menunjukkan pukul 8.25, dalam hujan rintik di bawa payung, Lewis berlari menuju bus. Di dalam bus dilihatnya 18 orang Finlandia dengan muka cemberut, 12 orang Jepang dengan muka tersenyum dan tak satupun orang Itali ada di sana. Mereka berangkat tepat waktu dan cuaca benar-benar tak bersahabat. Hujan turun sepanjang hari, mereka makan siang di puncak bukit dan kembali jam 5 sore dengan pakaian penuh lumpur. Sampai di tempat mereka menemukan orang-orang Itali sedang asyik minum teh sambil menikmati kue dan coklat. Mereka lebih berpikir waras untuk tetap tingal di kamar. Ketika orang Finlandia menanyakan, mengapa mereka tidak pergi, dijawabnya dengan santai...inikan hari hujan.....
Adapun buku ini pada intinya menyatakan bahwa bangsa di dunia ini bergerak pada level Multi-active, Reactive dan Linear-active dengan Multi-active di puncak piramida. Multi-active artinya hangat, emosional, santai ddan impulsive. Reactive artinya sopan, bersahabat, akomodatif, kompromis, pendengar yang baik, sedangkan Linear-active artinya tenang, berdasarkan fakta, perencana yang tegas. Hispanis, Argentina ,Mexico, Brasil dan Chili berada di kelompok teratas Multi-active, Vietnam di puncak kelompok Reactive dan Jerman, Switzerland an Luksemburg di puncak kelompok Linesr-active.
Tentang Indonesia secara lengkap ditulis di halaman 454 dengan budaya yang dirangkum sebagai berikut: santai, hirarkhis, ingin menyenangkan, kekeluargaan, tak ada etos kerja, menghormati yang tua, boleh poligami tapi jarang, tidak suka mempermalukan, sopan, ksatria, bersahabat dan ramah, kesatuan dan kenyamanan, menghindari konflik, banyak hukum adat mengalahkan hukum Islam. Dijelaskan juga tentang tabu dan adat istidat yang berlaku di
Apakah kita akan percaya dengan semua yang ditulis, itu terserah kita. Kita sendiri yang harus membuktikan baik-buruknya bangsa Indonesia bukan orang luar. Namun kalau kita terus menerus berlaku seperti yang terungkap dari pandangan Lewis ini, maka memang begitulah kondisi bangsa kita.
Saturday, December 22, 2007
The Problems of the Civil-Military Relationship in Indonesia
Introduction
The Indonesian Armed Forces is a very unique in the sense that it was established not by the government, but the military created itself in 1945 from the members of militia trained by the Japanese. At that time, President Sukarno was reluctant to raise an army because he wanted to achieve independence peacefully[1]. This reluctance forced the military to elect its own Armed Forces Commander, Sudirman, a former schoolteacher turned battalion commander during the Japanese period. Sudirman, recognized the authority of President Sukarno as political leadership, but he also saw himself as guardian of the nation not as merely government soldier. The weakness of political and governmental institution at that time caused the government to lose control of the military, also convinced the officers to pursue their own policy. The guerilla war following the Dutch attack on 19 December 1948, gave Sudirman the opportunity to demonstrate the autonomy of the army. When the political leadership decided to surrender to the Dutch, Sudirman and his forces went to the jungle to fight a guerilla war. The history of the military establishment created long strife in the civil-military relationship in Indonesia. This essay will try to elaborate the civil-military relationship in post Suharto era and the future of this relationship based on the constitution and current political configurations in Indonesia. The use term of military and army will be exchangeable.
Post Suharto Era
In the post Suharto era, the civil-military relationship will be divided into 3 periods. The first period is the fall of Suharto in May 1998 - the fall of Abdurrahman Wahid in 2001,the second period is the fall of Abdurrahman Wahid – the implementation of the UU TNI (Undang-undang Tentara Nasional Indonesia-Law of the Indonesia National Armed Forces) and third the implementation of UU TNI 2004 to present.
Period 1998 – 2001.
In the first period, 1998-2001, the military suffered by the continuously pressure from the euphoria society and international forces, thus forced the military to abandon its political role. Anyhow, the officers departure from the military scene was not like the defeated troops in the war, but they consciously adjust their political role based on the challenges there were facing, so the move out orderly and gradually. While maintaining its self-perception as a guardian of the nation, a glue of the nation, military offered Four New Paradigms, first should not be always in front, second from occupying into influencing, third from direct to indirect influence, four role sharing with other component of the nation[2]. But because the political development did not allow, the military consciously abandon this political role. Actually, it’s a paradoxical thought, in one hand tried to abolish traditional political role, but in another hand still maintaining no faith in the civilian politics.
In this difficult period in 1999, young officers of the 1973 Class of the Military Academy launched the compilation book, Indonesia Baru dan Tantangan TNI; Pemikiran Masa Depan (The New Indonesia and the Challenges of the TNI)[3]. The authors of this book recognized that they are the members of the generation which received inheritance, but accused that the givers of inheritance failed to set a good example for the successor. The issues discussed namely Pancasila as the base of the state, the position of the Chief of the Armed Forces, TNI’s membership in the legislative body, and the military. Lots of the authors ideas met resist from the army, said that the ideas was not realistic. The strangest thing about the book, the most prominent member of the class, Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono did not contribute any article in the book, instead he published his own writing in a book titled Mengatasi Krisis, Menyelamatkan Reformasi[4] ( Overcoming Crisis, Saving the Reformation). He discussed the need for TNI to adjust itself to national life, the future of military’s political involvement and carefully observed the course of the debates about whether the military should discard the political role now or gradually. Consecutively TNI’s Commander in Chief stated on April 2000 that the main task of TNI is acting as the major component in the defense of the state, to foil any aggression and to guarantee the national interest[5].
The civil-military problem that emerged in the new democratic country is not something unusual. As Samuel Huntington stated in his book that the future problems in civil-military relations in new democracies are likely to come not from the military but from the civilian side of equation, their failures to promote economic development , maintain the law and order, weak political institution and ambitious political leaders who may enlist the military as their accomplices[6]. It had been clearly showed in the controversy surrounding the decision the People’s Consultative Assembly, MPR No VII/2000. The decision Assembly for the month of August 2000 stated that the TNI’s membership in the People’s Consultative Assembly at least through the year 2009. For some political observers, the decision to prolong the political role of the military even after the military itself discard that role only showed how actually the civilian politicians have an inferiority complex when dealing with the military. The other incident, such as President Abdurrahman Wahid intercession in the replacement of the TNI’s CinC and appointment of Agus Wirahadikusuma to lead the army, perceived as intrusion of civilian authority which went against the norm and regulations of the organization. The rejection by the Army caused Agus Wirahadikusuma lost his position, and President Abdurrahman Wahid ultimately lost his support base from the military and brought him down from his presidency.
Period 2001 – 2004.
In the second period, 2001-2004, Vice President Megawati who succeeded Wahid, tried to understand the military better, drew a lesson and avoided careless approach facing the military. She was carefully dealing with the military that almost forgot the rotation of the military leadership. The lesson she drawn, the military continues to be a political force and must be taken into account. Her stances clearly a proof of her consciousness and sensitivities toward TNI political power, which consecutively influenced the composition of her cabinet.
The tragedy September 11, 2001 probably became the turning point for the American attitude towards the political role of the military in the third world countries. In the respond of that disaster, President Bush declared Global War on Terror. Again, the world will be divided into the anti-terrorists and the pro-terrorists. It is almost the same as fifty years ago, when the world divided into anti-communists and pro-communists. It is possible in the name of war against terrorism America supported the involvement or the domination of the military in politics. The new tendency has arisen in the way US government attitude towards Pakistani military regime once General Musharraf declared his support for the Global War on Terror. If US government wanted to accelerate the fight towards Islamic Terrorists in Indonesia, than it was not impossible that the US wiould choose the military as a partner. The military’s political involvement would also bloc the Islamic hardliner party to spread their ideology further. But the US choose to have close cooperation with the police, while at the same time support the democratic administration under Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, one of the prominent figure in the TNI reformation.
Period 2004-present.
In the third period, there was a general election in the 2004. This general election gave a good opportunity for the political parties to show their skill and knowledge. Again, the political parties competed for alliances with the former military officers. There was almost no party did not put the former military officers at the top of the legislative candidates list. Even in the presidential election, most of the candidates attempted to have former military as their partner. With the spreading bad news from the Parliament building such as money politics, the independence and the newspaper polls showed that the popularity of politicians declined and the military rose.
The result of the presidential election clearly showed that Yudhoyono, the former military officer, as the most popular candidate and became president to replace Megawati. To consider politicians and political parties in such condition, and the long history of military domination in Indonesia, it certainly not easy to put aside military from the national life. The problems is not only the politicians, but also the fundamental problems in the civil-military relations specifically in Indonesia such as the fragmented society, limited financial resources for the military, and the lack of civilians who have sufficient skill and knowledge to cope with the security and defense issues. In the active military duty, TNI’s CinC not only forbid the military to involve in politics but he also warned politicians not to drag military into politics any longer as happen in the past.
Even though military remains fulcrum in the political point of view, but military avoiding the day to day politics. This presence noticeable in the UU TNI which was implemented in December 2004. It stated that the process of integrating military headquarter into the Department of Defense will have to wait a suitable time in the future. The reason is the required politician maturity to avoid possibility of the military being used for the political purpose of the Minister of Defense. President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono continues maintaining the TNI’s Reformation gradually and in the same time tried to foster the democratic institution without created turmoil in the military side.
The future of the professional military.
To tell the truth, most of the TNI;s reformation agenda today heading to the right direction. Some of the deficiencies TNI facing now must be considered as parts of the process which have to be crossed. Apart of that, there are some considerations to look closely in order to reach the goals, avoiding military’s political involvement and become fully professional military.
TNI has been long enough involved in the non military issues, such as political and economical life. In order to push the military to become profesional soldier, it will not an easy task and not as simple as what was imagined. In one hand, it is realized that the chance of Indonesia will have a professional military is big, mainly because TNI itself showing a strong tendency toward profesionalism, furthermore after the implementation of UU TNI. In the other hand, it clear there are some obstacles and challenges which could become a barrier for the creation of the profesional military if the obstacles and challenges is not properly addressed. In other word, Indonesia and specifically TNI, need to fulfill some requirement in the effort to develop profesional military. These requirements become sine qua non , externally or internally , in the macro and micro level, even in the longterm and shortterm solution, hence become a driving force and key factor which support a wheel of change towards profesional military.
The prerequisites namely economical, social, politics, technology, and curricula military education. These prerequisites is not only non-dichotomic one to another but also it does not meant that one prerequisite is more important than the other. All prerequisites are considered to have the same degree of influence in supporting the creation of TNI’s profesionalism in the future. Legally, the TNI’s reformation become profesional has been completed, but in the reality still different. It is the Indonesian military culture which always believes what is right and what is wrong, a culture that was shaped a decades ago. It will requires time to adjust to the latest development in the spirit of military reform.
Beyond the military jurisdiction, there are three main points - which could be hindered the creation of profesional military - to be remembered. Firstly; the politicization of the military by the elite politicians, secondly; the absence of wish by political decision makers to truly understand the various law that regulate the problem of national defence, and thirdly; the decline of political stance of the public regarding the political role of military as a result of the public frustration at civilian politicians[7]. These three main points have significant influence for the TNI. These civil–military relationship problems different compare to what happen in US. In Indonesia, the politicians continously try to get the military support for the benefit of their party, while according to Nielsen, in the US the politicians and civilians worry about military involvement in the decision making process[8]. She said, there are two ways in which military participation in use-of-force decision making could affect the future of the military profession, first; it could adversely impact on future interaction betwen political leaders and military officers and second; more speculatively, it could bring into question the miltary’s jurisdiction itself by shaping the scope of what is thought to be legitimate professional work.
For the Indonesian people outside the military, its time to understand the mind behind the dynamic thought on TNI to abandon its traditional political role and move towards professional military. The notion that the military supposed to be the most powerful political forces, actually no more than a tool to prolong Suharto power. In this shed of light, military no more dominates politics, but only support the government. But the problem is, if the politicians cannot reach better compromise among themselves, then it will be very difficult to expect a stable government. The history tell us, during 53 years from 1945-1998, Indonesia only have 2 presidents, while for the last 5 (five) years from 1998-2004, Indonesia have 4 (four) presidents. The history also shows, when the existence of the nation at stake, the military will prop up as the savior of the nation.
Conclusion
The Indonesian Armed Forces is a unique in the sense that it was established itself in 1945 from the members of militia. The history of this establishment created long strife in the civil-military relationship in Indonesia. The fall of Suharto in 1998 and the implementation of the UU TNI in 2004 forced the military departure from political stage. The future of military professionalism will depend on the fulfillment of the prerequisites in the economical, social, politics, technology, and curricula military education. While the maturity of the politicians will decide whether military will involve in politics or maintaining their profession.
Col Imam Edy Mulyono
[1] Salim Said, Suharto’s Armed Forces, English edition, (Sinar harapan, Jakarta, 2006), 2
[2] Markas Besar Angkatan Bersenjata Republik Indonesia, ABRI Abad XXI, (Mabes ABRI, Jakarta,1999)11-13
[3] Agus Wirahadikusuma, MPA., et al.,Indonesia Baru dan Tantangan TNI:Pemikiran Masa Depan.(Pustaka Sinar Harapan, Jakarta, 1999). Title Transl.:The New Indonesia and the Challenges of the TNI
[4] Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, Mengatasi Krisis Menyelamatkan Reformasi (Puskap, Jakarta, 2000) 40. Title Transl.: Overcoming the Crisis and Saving the Reformation.
[5] The Press Release of the TNI’s CinC after the TNI Commander’s Call, Jakarta, April 20, 2000.
[6] Samuel P. Huntington, “Reforming Civil-Military Relations,” in Larry Diamond and Marc F. Platner (eds), Civil Military Relation and Democracy, (John Hopkins University Press, Baltimore and London, 1996) 14.
[7] Ikrar Nusa Bhakti,”Reformasi TNI dan Sejumlah Kendala” (Koran Tempo, Jakarta, Oct 6, 2003)Title Transl.:(Military Reforms and Some Obstacles)
[8] Suzanne C. Nielsen, “Rules of the Game? The Weinberg Doctrine and the American Use of Force,” in Don M. Snider and Lloyd J. Matthews (eds), The Future of the Army Profession, (McGraw Hill Custom Publishing, Boston,2005) 646.
My Personal Theory of War
Introduction
Theory provides the ground framework within which professional discussion takes place. It gives boundary or corridor to facilitate communication and direction. Theory allows debate or improvement when a situation no longer be explained. In this paper, I would like to present my theory of war. Inspired by Clausewitz, I will try to elaborate on some topics including: the definition of war, the reasons for war, characteristics of war, and how wars are won and my personal projection of the future war.
What is war
From Sun Tzu in the east to Clausewitz in the west, many thinkers in history tried to define what the war is. Clausewitz -life in 19th century- tried to see the appropriate relationship between politics and war. When a friend sent him the problem for comment, he replied that it was impossible to draft a military operation without knowing the political condition or the relationship of each other states; war is not independent phenomenon, but the continuation of politics in different means[1]. This definition of war is totally different compared to Sun Tzu – life circa 300 B.C.- who believed that war is a grave concern of the state, so it must be studied thoroughly[2]. He recognized that armed strife is not transitory aberration but a recurrent conscious act and therefore susceptible to rational analysis. From these two examples, we realize that the understanding of war is different from time to time, from generation to generation. The technological improvement, the ethical judgment and the interaction of values between nations create different meanings of war.
In my personal interpretation, war is a conflict between two or more parties involving a clash of will, an act of violent force to compel another to do our will, and an extension of the policy of each party. Parties could be nation states, or a group toward states. Examples of war between states are easy to find. Examples of war between a group towards state are not easy to find, but one example is when the Jews had war with Arab countries before 1948. The Six Days War in 1967 was no longer between Jews toward Arab countries but Israel toward Arabs countries because Israel had become a sovereign state. Compelling another to do our will means, that when another does our will, we win the war. This is clear as General Clark commented after the US-led air strikes toward former Yugoslavia. He said that achieving decisive political aims may not require decisive military results[3]. The air strike itself was implementation of the Allied policy toward former Yugoslavia, and Yugoslavia complied with our will.
The cause of war
For centuries, there have been debates to find out the cause of war. Karl Max had a very articulated opinion that economic interest[4] caused war, although one can argue that Marx’s main theoretical preoccupation was with that particular phase of history characterized by fully developed capitalism. According to Liddell Hart,[5] the object of war is a better state of peace, even if only from one point of view. That is why according to him, it is very important to wage war with a constant regard to the peace we desire. This applies for both aggressor who invades and the nations who fight to defend themselves. It is interesting to know that according to Clausewitz[6], wars are fought to disarm the enemy’s country. He further explained that the enemy’s country should be covered to destroy their force, occupy the country and break their will to fight. And the most simply statement was made by Machiavelli,[7] whose stated that the aim of war must be to face an enemy in the field and to defeat him there.
But in my personal opinion, wars are fought to fulfill the national interest. We can find complex relationships within the national interest. There are constant struggles of ideas or smaller aspects of the national power to consider. When the friction of ideology, politics, economics, culture, religious, and military aspects reaches a certain level, a nation will decides that war will be beneficial. But when one or more of these aspects is endangered, then a party will try to avoid war, except for a nation in total war.[8], A total war mobilizes all resources, economic and military, supported by a society to engage the enemy in any geographic zone, or with any available weaponry. Sometimes in total war, a nation fights a scorched-earth campaign, even in one’s own territory.
Characteristics of war
There are many thoughts on the characteristic of war. Most strategists have their own list. Clausewitz’s characteristics of war include having an objective, friction and chaos, as instrument of policy, uncertainty, violent, and as the last resort. The complex development of international relationship, the economic interdependency between states, the marvelous progress of information and communication technology and the gap between the first world and underdeveloped countries are all new characteristics to add those we already know. In this paper, I will try to elaborate more on he characteristics that I believe will describe war.
The first characteristic describes who is fighting. War can involve nation-state actors also non-state actors. When we look at the history of the 19th century, only states waged war. The belligerent never means a people or group to challenge a state. That situation slowly changed when revolutionary wars or the wars of independence began to spread around the world as a result of a vacuum power left by WW II. The most significant turbulence happened when the US government declared war toward small organizations such as Al Qaeda. All of a sudden, we became convinced that the actor is not only a nation-state, but also non-states.
The second characteristic is war must have clear military objective(s), an end state and exit strategy. A military commander plans based on the objective(s) he has to achieve. He will derive the military objective from the end state politicians give him. When there is no clear objective, he will try to create an objective(s). In the war situation, a military commander could get lost in chaos if he does not have any objective. It is the responsibility of the military commander to tell the politician to give the end state and exit strategy because the commander realizes that military is an instrument of policy.
War is characterized by the dynamic of fog, friction and chaos. The fog of peace comes for a while before friction and chaos suddenly replace it. Everything becomes uncertainty, as war spreads violence everywhere. The only difference in war between the good and the bad actor is the moral basis. That is why the mistake of one soldier could create disaster for the whole division, such as incident in Abu Gharib, Iraq. This is the new war, and we have to be familiar with the circumstances surrounding it. The media is everywhere, the public freely gives comment on what happens, and the politicians give uncertainty. We life in a volatile, uncertain, critical, ambiguous (VUCA) situation, and we have to love it. As Gen. Anthony Zinni, former Commander-in-Chief U.S. Central Command, in 1997 refused to act when the White House asked him to draw Iraqi fire without proper order[9].
War causes pain everywhere. Casualties always happen, the only difference is the number between the two parties. It is coercive action that, if possible is to be avoided. It is the last resort, but sometimes useful. For example, in early 1980s, the Israel Air Force use the planes to destroy Iraqi nuclear reactor Osirak I[10] and also attacked Yassir Arafat headquarters in Tunisia[11]. In the 1986, US took punitive action against Libyan leader Muammar Qaddafi by accurately hitting his tent[12].
All wars have both tangible and intangible costs. As long as the nation can bear the tangible cost and the public and the military are able to carry the intangible cost, there will be no problem to wage war. War uses paradoxical logic. The more difficult the objective to reach, the smaller the forces. The smaller the enemy, the more difficult to defeat them. As Clausewitz said, that war admittedly has its own grammar, but not its own logic.
To be successful, war must be supported by national will. National unity is deemed to be as essential requirement of victorious war. The unity and stability on home front and high morale in the army will assure remarkable acuity. When we already have this in hand, then we are ready to impose our will. When nations apply all the power they have, they may come to a point of uncertainty. That is why war involves deliberate planning and strategy because the fate of the nation is at stake. Most wars involve use of force or at least the threat of force. Lately, more and more politicians have depended on military threats to reach their political objectives. This is not wrong, but the more we use the military as a threat, the more diplomatic approaches become unused. Sometimes a political leader wants to change the status quo, in order to do that he uses military power to wage a war. He hopes that his action will produce a decision to become a winner or loser.
How wars are won
According to Sun Tzu[13], wars are won when we are able to frustrate enemy plans, break their alliances, create cleavages between their people or troops, infiltrate their intelligence and break their will to fight. Thus, the best master wins the war without battle. Only when the enemy can not be overcome by these means will the armed forces charge in to gain the victory in the shortest possible time, at the least possible cost in life and effort, and with infliction on the enemy of the fewest possible casualties. According to Clausewitz[14], to win a war, we have to use maximum force. It is a fallacy to believe an enemy can be defeated without much bloodshed, because war is such a dangerous business that the mistakes which come from kindness are the very worst. Another interesting opinion comes from Ralph Peters, a warmonger, who advocates wars of attrition. Specifically he mentions about the war in Iraq[15]; First, the war against religious terrorism is unquestionably a war of attrition- if one of the enemy is left alive or unimprisoned, he will continue trying to kill. Second, Operation Iraqi freedom, for all its dashing maneuvers, provides a new example of postmodern war of attrition.-one in which the casualties are overwhelming on one side.
I disagree that the use of force in modern warfare becomes the main tool to win the war. So, I support when General Wesley K. Clark stated that it is very important to use diplomacy backed by force[16], as he did with Serbia, even though not so many people support his statement. Actually, what he said was an adaptation from the old Sun Tzu or Clausewitz principles regarding how to wage the war. It is the will of the leader or the heart of the people who run the war. When the will to fight is diminished or disappears a war can easily be win.
Future war
My personal projection of the future of war is based on a prediction from the current trend wars in Iraq, Afghanistan and the Kosovo war. These wars basically were asymmetric wars. The Iraqi government had collapsed but the insurgence emerged. In Kosovo, the air strike destroyed all the radar and strategic military communication, but we never sent ground forces. In Afghanistan, the Taliban hid in the mountains or mixed with the tribes on the Pakistan border, so we could not defeat it. The Coalition Forces have difficulties destroying the Taliban even though we use better technology and equipment. When President Bush declared global war on terror, it became clear that the US had difficulties with their own power trying to destroy Al Qaeda. The US needed another coalition to crush the terrorist group.
When we look carefully to search for the cause of war, we will find there is no single cause of all these wars. The complexities of the causes make it impossible to distinguish each from the other. Is it because of the oil, military industrial complex, regional balance or anxieties that all the reserves in US dollar will be transferred to Euros and create financial chaos across the globe? Or is it because China is investing a lot of money trying to secure an energy deal they desperately need? Should we ask Huntington[17] if this is an example of a clash of the civilizations or ask Fukuyama[18] if only liberal democratic governments will be allowed on earth? No one knows the answer
What ever the reason, the super power has an obligation to maintain the world order and with or without the UN authority, move to compel the threat. With the political, economic, military, and technological dominance, it is clear there is not a single country in the world that will challenge the US. It is very important to synergize the national power to end war as soon as possible. While nations have always aimed in war to gain their objectives with the least cost, in future wars, achieving decisive political aims may not require decisive military results.
In my prediction, the future of war will more likely resemble Kosovo, Afghanistan or Iraq. There will be environmental challenges such as valley, mountain, vegetation and villages and cities with peoples we do not want to harm. But we may limit the use of air strike due to environmental hazards, WMD, or NBC storage concerns. In addition, we have to obey any new law and be aware of journalist movement, or public outcry in carrying out our plans. Even with the best precision strike, we still need precision acquisition and identification on the ground. In this case, we still need people to observe and report back to us. Technology may help us with unmanned aerial vehicles, but it only reduces the size of this forward force, not omit it totally. As commander in the field, an officer must understand the process the transition from the political dynamic to a military dynamic.
Conclusion
Debates between theoreticians on the definition of war will continue, just as war will continue to visit our civilized world despite the different definitions of war. There is no single cause of war. However, the war we fight and the characteristics of war we face today slowly will evolve as we become more familiar with asymmetric war. The future of war may resemble the wars in Kosovo, Afghanistan or Iraq. We can even expect war when the adversary is not major and the issues at stake do not threaten the survival of the nation. The features of this type of war will also capture public commentary -the reluctance to accept casualties, the horror of civilian casualties, and the impact of the media- are each driven by deeper factors. We have to avoid the use of force as the main tool to win the war. We have to maximize the use of diplomacy backed by force. The future of war may violate some principles of war- such as having a clear objective, unity of command, simple plan, economy of force, or surprise- but the basic principles are still the same. The future struggle on many fronts will depend on the success of the transition from the political dynamic to a military dynamic.
[1] Carl Von Clausewitz, On War, Indexed edition, edited and translated by Michael Howard and Peter Paret (Princeton University Press, New Jersey,1984), 7
[2] Sun Tzu, The Art of War , translated by Samuel B. Griffith (Oxford University Press, London,1971), 36
[3] Wesley K Clark, Waging Modern War (Public Affair, New York, 2001), 418-419
[4] Bernard Brodie, War and Politics (Macmillan, New York, 1973),281
[5] B.H. Liddel Hart, Strategy, second revised edition, ( New York,1991), 338
[6] Carl Von Clausewitz, 91
[7] Machiavelli in Makers of Modern Strategy, edited by Peter Paret (Princeton University Press, New Jersey,1986),23
[8] Roy Gutnam and David Rieff, Editors, Crimes of War (W.W.Norton, New York, 1999), 355
[9] Dana Priest, ”The Mission: Waging War and Peace with America’s Military ( W.W. Norton, New York, 2003) 81
[10] BBC News, “On This Day, 1981: Israel Bomb Baghdad Nuclear Reactor,” available from http://news.bbc.co.uk/onthisday/hi/dates/stories/june/7/newsid_3014000/3014623.stm; accessed 18 September 2007.
[11]Wikipedia, the Free encyclopedia,” Operation Wooden Leg,” available from http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Operation_Wooden_Leg; accessed 18 September 2007.
[12] BBC News, “On This Day, 1986: US Launches Air Strike on Libya,” available from http://news.bbc.co.uk/onthisday/hi/dates/stories/april/15/newsid_3975000/3975455.stm; accessed 18 September 2007.
[13] Sun Tzu, 39
[14] Carl Von Clausewitz, 75
[15] Ralph Peters, In Praise of Attrition, Parameters, Vol. 34, No.2, Summer 2004, pp.24-32
[16]Wesley K Clark, 345-374
[17] Samuel P. Huntington, ”The Clash of Civilization?” in Conflict After the Cold War: Argument on Causes of War and Peace, ed. Richard K. Betts( Longman, New York, 1989) 207
[18] Francis Fukuyama, ”The End of History?” in Conflict After the Cold War: Argument on Causes of War and Peace, ed. Richard K. Betts( Longman, New York, 1989) 5